During recent Reform UK press conferences, two very distinctive figures can often be seen in the front row: the pale hair of party policy chief Danny Kruger and the styled blond hair of senior adviser James Orr.
As well as guiding the political agenda for what might become the UK’s future administration, the duo share another trait in common. Both are highly devout believer who found religion in later life, and possess strong opinions on matters of society such as reproductive rights and the traditional family unit.
Kruger, an MP, who defected from the Conservatives, and Orr, a university scholar, also sit on the advisory board of a conservative policy group known as the Alliance for Responsible Citizenship.
Another member is Paul Marshall, the investment tycoon who controls GB News and the rightwing Spectator magazine. Marshall is a practising Christian.
“Religion, specifically evangelical Christianity, has in recent decades been a key characteristic of US rightwing politics,” with its adherents providing the core of a particular political support.
Parallels do exist. Orr is personally connected to JD Vance that he has hosted him at his family home. Orr is also active in the National Conservatism movement, which has ties to the American faith-based populist world.
But any closer comparisons soon fall down due to a basic issue of numbers. While surveys indicate that nearly a quarter of US adults are evangelicals, the proportion for the UK is roughly one-tenth of that at the very most.
There is another important factor to consider. While US evangelicals lean firmly to the political right, recent surveys by the UK’s Evangelical Alliance indicate the wider picture here is quite different.
A poll of nearly 1,500 evangelicals places Labour in the first place with over a quarter backing. The Reform party and Liberal Democrats are level on 20%, with the Conservatives on 18%.
Further polling demonstrate backing from evangelicals for increased welfare payments, but also significant concern about plans to permit assisted suicide.
“Among evangelicals there can be a gap between opinions, particularly regarding social issues, and how people vote,” explained a representative. “As an instance, someone might have a strong opinion on abortion, but they do not view voting as a way to lead to change.”
Evangelism does exist in parliament, including cross-party prayer group meetings. But it is a reality present on the left, with figures like Kruger balanced out by Tim Farron and the Labour MP Rachael Maskell.
Maskell is very open about how her beliefs informs her politics, especially concerning issues such as economic disadvantage.
“Ethical fairness was ‘a big part’ of Labour politics,” she stated. “It stems from our foundations, how we think about disparity in society, ensuring we have a just system.”
There is, however a different and newer side to religion in UK politics, one more closely modelled on American ideas of faith-based nationalism.
The activist Tommy Robinson has started to present himself as explicitly Christian, although much of this is done as a contrast to Islam.
In a similar vein, Nick Tenconi, who leads the UK outpost of the Turning Point group, includes social media messaging about the country needing to “re-embrace Christianity” alongside anti-Muslim content.
One striking display of this, a Turning Point-allied nationalist Christian group named King’s Army paraded through Soho, a location apparently selected as it is the centre of London’s LGBT community.
All this remains, however, fairly niche in UK politics. While critics sometimes portray certain figures as wealthy incubators of American-style religious politics, friends insist they are little more than devout believers who are strongly opposed to any political exploitation of faith.
He has been not shy of occasional off-piste rhetoric, for example using a speech to condemn what he said was a younger generation influenced by a blend of ideologies.
“Here in Britain you do have a few Christian nationalists, but when it comes to politics it tends to be a sort of Christian nostalgia, linked to our historical character,” noted an analyst.
A parliamentarian of faith on the right noted that while the issue of assisted dying had united MPs with faith, any connections beyond that felt limited.
“I do not get the sense of much of an organized faith-based lobby,” they said. “In my view, my faith is more a foundation for what I already believe. And here, religion is not particularly a vote winner.”
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